[简答题]Before Keynes, economists were gloomy naysayers. "Nothing can be done"," Don’t interfere," "It will never work," they intoned with Eeyore—like pessimism. But Keynes was an unswerving optimist. Of course we can lick unemployment! Theer is no reason to put up with recessions and depressions! The "economic problem is not, if we look into the future the permanent problem of the human race," he wrote.
Keynes was born in Cambridge, England, in 1883. His father John Neville Keynes was a noted Cam-bridge economist. His mother Florence Ada Keynes became mayor of Cambridge. Young John was a brilliant student but didn’t immediately aspire to either academiv or public life. He wanted to run a railroad. "his so easy.., and fascinating to master the principles of these things, "he told a friend, with his usual modesty. But no railroad came along, and Keynes ended up taking the civil service exam. His lowest mark was in economics. "I evidently knew more about Economics than my examiners." he l

[简答题]Before Keynes, economists were gloomy naysayers. “Nothing can be done”, “Don’t interfere,” “It will never work,” they intoned with Eeyore —like pessimism. But Keynes was an unswerving optimist. Of course we can lick unemployment! There is no reason to put up with recessions and depressions! The “economic problem is not—if we look into the future—the permanent problem of the human race,” he wrote. {{U}}Keynes was born in Cambridge, England, in 1883. His father John Neville Keynes was a noted Cam- bridge economist. His mother Florence Ada Keynes became mayor of Cambridge. Young John was a brilliant student but didn’t immediately aspire to either academiv or public life. He wanted to run a railroad. "It is so easy.., and fascinating to master the principles of these things," he told a friend, with his usual modesty. But no railroad came along, and Keynes ended up taking the civil service exam. His lowest mark was in economics. "I evidently knew more about Economics than my examiners.

[单项选择]In the days before preschool academies were all but mandatory for kids under 5, I stayed home and got my early education from Mike Douglas. His TV talk show was one of my mother"s favorite programs, and because I looked up to my mother, it became one of my favorites too. Yet I quickly developed my own fascination with Douglas, who died last week. Maybe it was the plain set—a couple of chairs and little else—or maybe it was the sound of people talking about ideas and events rather than telling stories. Whatever it was, to my 4-year-old mind it was all terribly adult, like my mother"s morning coffee. It was—relatively. The grown-up world I live in now is another matter. Thanks in part to the proliferation and polarization of talk shows in the last 20 years or so—the generation after Douglas and his big-tent gentility went off the air—public conversations have become scary monsters indeed. Like other forms of entertainment, the programming of commercial talk shows today has moved beyond niche to hermetic. The idea of a host booking guests as varied as Jerry Rubin, Malcolm X and Richard Nixon—and treating them all with a certain deference, as Douglas did—is unheard of. Equally a-mazing is to consider that Douglas was a moderate; though he didn"t always share his guests" views, he nonetheless insisted on everybody having his or her say. What he did, in other words, was more important than who he was. That was probably an easy dictate for an old-school, modest guy such as Douglas to follow. And now Oprah Winfrey is sincere e-nough, but her viewership is a cult of personality, not of people or issues. Like her contemporaries, O-prah chooses her guests and issues to suit her show, rather than allowing guests and issues to be the show. She prefers uplift and empowerment, which is more palatable than name-calling, the hallmark of Bill O"Reilly or Howard Stem. But spin is spin, and in her own way Oprah gets as tiresome as those guys. Ultimately, these shows fail to convey the fullness of the conversation, the sense that America is one place—or one host—with many voices at equal volume. That doesn"t mean everybody"s right. But to have everybody engaged and feeling a stake in the outcome of the discussion is priceless. Engagement is nothing less than national security: I felt that as a preschooler, watching Mike Douglas on TV, and I feel it now. The age of irony, they would say, fueled by information that moves at the speed of light, demands a different approach.It can be inferred from Paragraph 1 that the author
A. was influenced by his mother.
B. didn"t like preschool academies.
C. enjoyed self-taught programs.
D. was smart in his childhood.

[填空题]Before the slaves were freed, they had their own instruments, such as stringed instruments and wind instruments.

[单项选择]

"Before, we were too black to be white. Now, we’re too white to be black. " Hadija, one of South Africa’s 3.5m Coloured (mixed race) people, sells lace curtains at a street market in a bleak township outside Cape Town. In 1966 she and her family were driven out of District Six, in central Cape Town, by an apartheid government that wanted the area for whites. Most of the old houses and shops were bulldozed but a Methodist church, escaping demolition, has been turned into a little museum, with an old street plan stretched across the floor. On it, families have identified their old houses, writing names and memories in bright felt-tip pen. "We can forgive, but not forget," says one.
Up to a point. In the old days, trampled on by whites, they were made to accept a second-class life of scant privileges as a grim reward for being lighter-skinned than the third-class blacks. Today, they feel trampled on by the black majority. The white-led Nationa
A. made all the families leave District Six so that a new Methodist church would be built there
B. drove out all the residents in District Six so that a museum would be built there
C. forced all the families to leave District Six so that the buildings there would be largely pulled down
D. requested that all the residents leave District Six so that a street plan could be put forward

[单项选择]"Before, we were too black to be white. Now. we’re too white to be black. " Hadija, one of South Africa’s 3. 5m Coloured (mixed race) people, sells lace curtains at a street market in a bleak township outside Cape Town. In 1966 she and her family were driven out of District Six, in central Cape Town, by an apartheid government that wanted the area for whites. Most of the old houses and shops were bulldozed but a Methodist church, escaping demolition, has been turned into a little museum, with an old street plan stretched across the floor. On it, families have identified their old houses, writing names and memories in bright felt-tip pen. "We can forgive, but not forget," says one.
Up to a point. In the old days, trampled on by whites, they were made to accept a second-class life of scant privileges as a grim reward for being lighter-skinned than the third-class blacks. Today, they feel trampled on by the black majority. The white-led National Party, which still governs the Western
A. made all the families leave District Six so that a new Methodist church would be built there
B. drove out all the residents in District Six so that a museum would be built there
C. forced all the families to leave District Six so that the buildings there would be largely pulled down
D. requested that all the residents leave District Six so that a street plan could be put forward

[填空题]You can conclude that workers before 1935 were ______than today’s workers.